#1: Brahmin Bloodshed: Revealing the Hidden Chapters of History

The historical and media coverage from various violent events in India such as the 1980 Muradabad riots, the 1984 Sikh massacre, the 1987 Meerut riots, the 1992-93 Bombay Riots, the 2002 Gujarat riots, and the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots are well-documented. However, one of the darkest and least illuminated segments of history revolves around the persecution of Brahmins following the death of Gandhi - their suffering and experiences during this tumultuous time have received little to no-attention.

Death of Gandhi and Aftermath -

On 30th January 1948, Nathuram Godse assassinated Gandhi, prompted by Gandhi's pro-Muslim policy which he thought was very contrary to Muslims' behaviour towards Hindus.

Nathuram Godse, born in a devotional Brahmin family, was proud of his history, culture, and religion. He believed in the principles of equality and was against the social or religious hierarchy based on birth, wanting it to be restructured based on a person’s merit. This made him actively work for the eradication of the untouchability practice and stand against the proponents of the caste system - all of his efforts were committed in service as a member of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The background shows their similar opinions on societal matters, and in reality, Godse himself has acknowledged the role of Gandhi's works and speeches in his life.

Nevertheless, it's important not to be swayed by this background. The subsequent action taken against an unarmed individual, someone who contributed in uniting India against British colonial forces, had severe outcomes.

The assassination provided non-Brahmins with a chance to express their anger towards the Brahmins. Upon hearing the news of the Mahatma's murder, they immediately protested, insisting that the murderer, Godse, should have been identified as a Brahmin and not as a Maratha. "Maratha" is a term exclusively used for the largest segment of the non-Brahmin community, which claims Kshatriya origins and includes Shivaji's lineage.

Brahmin Exodus: Tracing the Trail of Destruction -

On the same evening, a pogrom targeted Brahmins, initially focusing on anyone with the surname Godse. This later expanded to include Chitpavan Brahmins and other Maharashtrian Brahmins like Deshastha Brahmins and Karhade Brahmins. The carnage originated in Bombay and Pune, spreading to Nagpur, Satara, Sangli, Kolhapur, resulting in the massacre of thousands of Brahmins and the destruction of their properties.

Sadly, official documents are silent on these matters. Newspapers have become the source to find truth, and especially vernacular newspapers have played an important role in tracing atrocities on the community since widely-read/mainstream newspapers had little to no mention of such heinous acts.

On February 5, 1948, the Hindi daily "Ushakal" reported widespread attacks on thousands of Brahmins in 400 villages within the Satara district of Maharashtra. 1,500 houses were set ablaze during these incidents. Tragically, in Udatre village, a woman and her grandson from a Kulkarni Brahmin family were ruthlessly burnt alive. Renowned photographer Bhalji Pedharkar's studio, valued at ₹2.5 lakhs, was completely demolished, Panchgani witnessed the burning of a school due to its operator being a Brahmin. Sangli experienced the destruction of a cloth mill and hospital through deliberate fires. In Kolhapur, the entire factory belonging to RSS leader G. H. Joshi was incinerated. Veteran journalist Gajanan Tryambak Madkholkar lost his home and premises of his newspaper publishing house in Nagpur to the violence. Property damages, burning of homes, mills, factories owned by Brahmins were rampant in Kolhapur, Sangli, and other districts.

Narayana Rao Savarkar [brother of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a Hindu-nationalist, and political orphan] and his family encountered a barrage of stone pelting as they sought refuge from their residence. He sustained severe injuries and tragically succumbed to death.

The New York Times and The Washington Post have covered it as "communal riots" - both words misrepresent the situation as firstly, it was not communal in nature but casteist, and secondly, it was a massacre not a mere rioting instance. Moreover, they have under-reported the death tolls.

Nanasaheb Gore and Shankarrao More, socialist figures, contended that life-threatening assaults targeting Brahmins stemmed from historical injustices inflicted by their forefathers. Anna Babaji Latthe, a prominent leader of the non-Brahmin in Bombay, shared his thoughts years later, on this incident: "I still think it was essentially justified."

Referring to the violence that took place in Nagpur, which was then part of the Madhya Pradesh [Central Provinces], Dwarka Prasad Mishra, a senior congress leader, and home minister of Madhya Pradesh unapologetically documented the ensuing chaos in his memoirs. He unabashedly stated, “Those who indulged in unlawful activities also included a large number of Congressmen belonging to non-Brahmin communities. In fact, in Nagpur and Berar, the troublemakers were mostly Congressmen, some being even office bearers of various Congress Committees.” He further dejectedly writes how no First Information Reports (FIRs) were filed during the period.

Mishra, in the capacity of Congress member himself, acknowledged the involvement of 'Congressmen' in orchestrating violence against the Brahmin community. They were later joined by leaders from non-Brahmin communities harbouring personal grievances against the 'influential' Brahmins who amassed wealth and power during the 18th and 19th centuries.

I now recall the infamous speech by Rajeev Gandhi addressing the 1984 Sikh riots with the analogy "जब बड़ा पेड़ गिरता है, तो धरती हिलती है" (When a big tree falls, the earth shakes).

Former Prime Minister Rajeev Gandhi essentially justified the riots against Sikhs following the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards. Unfortunately, despite more than 35 years passing from 1948 anti-Brahmin riots, little has changed. However, it is noteworthy that Congressmen involved in the Sikh riots were eventually held accountable by the general public for their reprehensible actions which in the case of Brahmins, remains unknown to the public - many unnamed politicians who were responsible would have gone on to become administrators in the state and country.

Several instances hint at the absence of official documents regarding the events in question.

Maureen L.P. Patterson , a former civil employee of the Federal Government of the United States during World War II, conducted research in India titled "Chitpavan Brahman Family Histories: Sources for a Study of Social Structure and Social Change in Maharashtra."

Patterson claimed that the then government led by Indira Gandhi denied her access to files related to Gandhi's assassination. Despite this obstacle, Patterson proceeded with her research in multiple districts of Maharashtra. She concluded that the persecution was not limited to the Chitpavan Brahmins but extended to every Brahmin community. Patterson estimated the cost of the atrocities to be more than 12 crore rupees in 1948.

In one of her articles in Economic and Political Weekly, Maureen L.B. Patterson highlighted the "open, sustained, and violent expression of anti-Brahman sentiment" in Maharashtra.

In his book "City, Countryside, and Society in Maharashtra" by Donald Attwood, the brutality of the events unfolds across Aundh (near Pune), encompassing all 13 talukas with approximately 300 villages, predominantly inhabited by Brahmins, which were set ablaze.

Evidences from Public Forums -

Vasant Pradhan, a journalist with the Marathi daily Chitra and a socialist himself wrote about the riots.

“I lived in Khar and my office was at Fort. After finishing the edition, when I caught a train, I realised that rumours were spreading.” “Next day, it became clear that the assassin was a Maharashtrian Brahmin . After that started a series of attacks on the houses of Brahmins and the offices of rightist organisations.”  

“The office of Hindu Mahasabha near Dadar post office was a likely target in the aftermath of Gandhi’s assassination. To avoid the attack, some women party workers stood outside with Jawaharlal Nehru’s posters in their hands. They were spared.” (Source - DNA India)

That Nehru's posters served as a "shield" shows the instructions and the political leanings of the killing mobs that were going after the Brahmins in Maharashtra.

• Excerpt from - https://hindugenocide.com/ by Anand Khatavkar.

“My family stands as a proof. My grandfather was among the richest merchant in Pune and was having 3 cloth stores then which were gutted in selective killing and property burning incidence.The family was instantaneously reduced to poverty and we had to sell-off all the properties to reduce the trading-credits. The family recovered out of the losses only by late 70’s.”

Conclusion -

Brahmins have been pivotal in both preserving and disseminating knowledge throughout India's history. They have meticulously passed down ancient texts such as the Vedas and Upanishads across generations, ensuring the continuity of India's intellectual legacy which the UN and other prominent countries acknowledge . Furthermore, Brahmins have played a central role in safeguarding a the country's diverse cultural heritage. But, the persecution of Brahmins following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi remains shrouded in darkness, with official documents notably silent on the matter. It is difficult to accept that prominent politicians like Prime Minister Nehru and Home Minister Vallabhbhai Patel, who were responsible for maintaining law and order, were unaware of these atrocities perpetrated against a specific community.

Unfortunately, instead of addressing the violence targeting Brahmins, Nehru's government chose to politicise the situation. Exploiting Gandhi's tragic death as an opportunity, they decided to crack down on right-wing Hindu organizations such as the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

As we strive to understand and reckon with this dark chapter in history, it is essential to recognise the failures of leadership and to ensure that such atrocities are never repeated. Only through acknowledging the past [however history books don't acknowledges] and working towards justice and reconciliation can we hope to build a more inclusive and equitable society for all.